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Where Men Win Glory: The Odyssey of Pat Tillman

Jon Krakauer uses 416 pages to make the audacious claim that he has found the Nietzschen Uebermensch in “Pat Tillman”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pat_Tillman — and thus feeds the roaring literary fire of condemnation for the Bush administration in particular and religious conservatives in general. In a facile and sloppy argument that makes liberal use of argument by anecdote, he goes out of his way to package and sell his vision of the ideal man. This provides the opportunity for contrast against his straw-man of the modern religious conservative who is (here we go again) an unenlightened coward, motivated only by power and control of the weak. Here is Pat Tillman as the literary device — constructed and packaged to advance the consummate liberal ideal: an Emerson reading gay rights advocate who used his prodigious strength and pugnacity only to defend the weak, all while scorning any faith that claims it knows anything with certainty.

Krakauer restricts his moral influences to enlightenment skeptics or pre-christian classical writers and with his moral canon thus defined, he uses ample references to the likes of the Iliad and Nietzsche to supply a ready alternative basis of morality. Beyond presenting a system of morality unadulterated by conservative principles, he goes out of his way to denigrate the integrity of conservatives. It didn’t take long to think I was reading Christopher Hitchens or Sam Harris while I really was just interested in nothing more than the subtitle: “The legacy of Pat Tillman”. It is clear why his chose his actual title as a direct lift from the Iliad. His point? Men win glory when they transcend conservative values. Thus a story which initially appears to be about a man’s story becomes an apologetic for one of the most important agendas of modern liberalism: defining a sense of morality apart from religion and tradition.

So every page is then devoted to either exalting our postmodern hero, Pat, or casting aspersions on conservatives. Mr Tillman is presented as a modern man who combines love of life, strength, wisdom, sensitivity, morality, liberal use of the F-bomb, all surrounded by an acerbic scorn for religion and political conservatives. And thus we have the central irony of this book: while Jon Krakauer’s claim is that conservatives used Pat as a pawn to seize greater power and control, Pat is yet used once again — this time he is an the icon of liberalism. Jon Krakauer in expositing Tillman has repeated the path of prior liberals such as Adolf Harnack who tried to redefine Christ as similar to themselves. Father George Tyrell (a Catholic modernist) described this interaction well: “The Christ that what Harnack sees, looking back through nineteen centuries of Catholic darkness, is only the reflection of a Liberal Protestant face, seen at the bottom of a deep well.”

So now we have Jon Krakauer/Pat Tillman fused into the ideal of a modern man unencumbered by conservatism and belief. And with this icon, Jon Krakauer tells a captivating story. On one level it is brilliant to use someone who was the symbol of strength and sacrifice (virtues conservatives have unjustly claimed as unique to them) to pillory conservatives. That Jon Krakauer is a master storyteller is beyond dispute. He has crafted a story involving a set of elements perfectly tuned to sell to the reading masses: elite athleticism, culture wars, the Iliad, Nietzsche, heroism, all with generous potshots against George Bush and Donald Rumsfeld. So Krakauer becomes another who rides the zeitgeist and ends up defining a component of it by offering Pat Tillman as the consummate example of liberal ethics. Clearly, this book will sell, but I’ll speculate that Krakauer’s ambitions are much higher than profit here. For he has written a philosophy book, not a biography. Seen through this lens, I would recommend this book to others who wish to understand the chorus of new atheists: goodness without God is not just possible, but even better than goodness adulterated by the varieties of organized religion.

With his claim understood, how strong is his case? Like William Gladstone, Krakauer is attracted to the morality of the Iliad, which preaches that moderation in all things is the most important component of morality. Nietzsche as well presents an appeal to strength, and along with Ayn Rand — touches something deep within me, that calls me to be braver and stronger — by MYSELF. But here is where personal experience comes into the picture, and I get to present some anecdotes of my own. Trying to succeed on my own strength only leaves me more bitter and selfish. Perhaps Krakauer can claim this is because I’m internally weak, or perhaps weakened by my faith. But personal strength and courage for me have only been the direct result of my knowledge of my weakness and depending on an external source for strength. Thus I present a different ideal of the greatest man: one who lays down his life for his friends — who spends his time not making himself a better human, but emptying themselves for the sake of others — and doing so not for some vague sense of justice, but for tangible reward in heaven and the joy of thankful worship.

Beyond advancing his philosophy with Pat Tillman as a prop, Krakauer went out of his way to provide talking points for the Democratic party establishment. It almost felt like contrived product placements seen in movies. For example, John Krakauer went out of his way to spend several pages on the 2000 presidential election, with the final claim that Bush, through the interference of conservatives on the Supreme Court, was unlawfully elected president. This all despite the findings of subsequent in-depth recounts. I bring this forward, because it is one thing to criticize an administration, but another to espouse the political talking points that come from either side of the aisle.

I also don’t share Krakauer’s cynicism that US leaders engage in wars simply to increase their own power. The little I know about how national security doctrine is put together in this country is that it’s a messy business. For better or worse, one or two individuals do not yield enough power to be responsible for the entire direction of the nation. The coterie of individuals considered responsible for everything that goes wrong in Iraq and Afghanistan is basically distilled down to the usual suspects. To me, this is such a tired, simplistic, message that somehow continues to sell books to an increasingly gullible American public who thinks their cynicism about the Bush administration is a panacea for their very Naivete.

Thus I found Krakauer’s argumentation style to be anecdotal and somewhat insulting. He makes tenuous connections like the fact that helicopter was not available on a particular day to be used as an argument that Iraq received too many resources to the detriment of operations in Afghanistan. Military operations planning and allocation of assets is a very complicated process that many factors can influence. Speculating on potential correlation and then building an argument for causation is the most freshmen of errors. (Can I also note that the B-1 is not a stealth bomber. Did he have anyone with Air Force knowledge fact check his book?)

If I set aside the plot to denigrate my faith and political beliefs, there is much I found intriguing about this book. Pat Tillman and I grew up at the same time in a similar culture. We both joined the military and perhaps have felt a similar scorn for its mediocrity. There is no doubt that he experienced the associated dissonance that comes from an ideal of a warrior as “guardian of Plato’s ideal state”:http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/republic.8.vii.html contrasted with the modern reality of an all volunteer force — infected by financially motivated bottom feeders and the soul-stagnating bureaucracy of modern big government. So while Krakauer would cast me closer to the book’s arch villain, the evangelical LTC Ralph Kauzlarich, than his exalted Tillman, I think Pat and I might have had a good bit to talk about. This is perhaps why I have such strong feelings about this book: there is no doubt that Pat Tillman has once again been used.

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Bold Love

Who understands what love is? The ancient greeks used variants of the word for love to denote increasing levels of altruism. Medieval love was said to focus on the suffering that one feels “derived from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex”. Think of the sad, but pure, suffering of the Lady of Shallot as her lifeless and beautiful body floats towards her beloved Lancelot. In modern times, our understanding of love has been influenced by everyone from Bertrand Russell (“love is absolute value”) to Tina Turner’s ear worm (What is she saying there anyway?). Hollywood would have us think that love is an intense emotion that falls upon the lucky and beautiful, but mainstream America sees love in a more benign light that remembers its origins in suffering and altruism. Love is that anodyne influence which empowers us to endure, overlook and accommodate the behaviors of those we have committed to love — our parents, children, spouses, and friends.

Dan Allender couldn’t disagree more. In this book he puts forth his clarion call: love is bold. Bold enough to seek the greatest good, and pursue that good with the deepest passion using all means available. This passion adds an earthy realism to love, removing it from its baroque throne and bringing love right into the middle of our real relationships — relationships where love calls for the insertion of boundaries, and maybe, a little craftiness. To Allender, love does not blindly suffer — forgive and forget — it goes one step further than forgiving, forgetting and acquiescing. Setting aside manners and cultural expectations, through many anecdotes he builds the case that love is cunning, courageous, and, well, bold.

The heart of the book is about what it really means to love someone: from the love of your life, to an abuser, to your greatest enemy. It is a book written by a Christian for Christians and if there is not an orthodox understanding and appreciation of an the nature of Christ, I don’t think a good part of the book will resonate very well. Central to his argument is that God did not give up on creation. He sought after it at great expense to himself. This is what it means to love. Sacrifice and suffering? Yes. But any understanding of the cross, acknowledges Christ’s act to love to be the definitive act which brings victory to His own and defeat to the father of lies. The image of the cross is about as different from the Lady of Shallot as I can imagine.

Bold Love is divided into three sections: The Battlefield of the Heart, Strategy for the War of Love and Combat for the Soul. The first section builds a case for a deeper understanding of love based upon Christian Theology. “Strategy” gets practical — describing the steps toward reconciliation. Importantly all reconciliation needs to be fueled by a passionate hope for restoration, given focus by envisioning the ideal state of a difficult beloved. Allender then teaches how to confront and invoke the deep passions to work for us. In “Combat”, he gets more practical by classifying those who are difficult to love as evil, fools, or normal folks pursuing things wrongly and then provides concrete examples to deal with each.

His message came at the right time for me and has revolutionized the way I love, live, and forgive. A bit wordy in places, there is too much wisdom packed into this book to skip a single page. Often in the most unexpected places, I would be hit by a quote that would leave me speechless, and I would have to close book and just think for several minutes. I most definitely will read Bold Love again and recommend it to anyone who wants to better know the subject and practice of love.

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Team of Rivals Review

Pulitzer winner Goodwin has long demonstrated a feel for biography as a gateway into the past. In Lincoln, one of our greatest presidents, she has found an ideal subject for her attention. He is the more interesting to study because, unlike most presidents, who have sought to surround themselves in their cabinets with safe men who think like they do on important matters, Lincoln chose to build a cabinet out of men whose relationship to the president was problematic, if not downright risky. In 1861, Lincoln persuaded three of his rivals for the Republican nomination -Seward, Chase and Banks-to sit in his cabinet. They owed Lincoln nothing. As a rule, they saw Lincoln as a man of low ability and little promise, president by the accident of geography. Furthermore, some were enemies who would barely talk to each other. Yet, the cabinet did not dissolve in warfare and Lincoln established firm control over executive decisions, much to the surprise of Seward in particular, who had assumed that he, and not the president, would lead this group and be the true decisionmaker in Washington. In short while, Seward and Banks became firm allies of Lincoln; indeed, Seward became Lincoln’s fastest friend in the Washington power ranks. When Stanton joined the cabinet as secretary of war, he too was converted to allegiance to Lincoln although he had publicly slighted him years before. The only cabinet member whose loyalty remained suspect was Chase, whose lust for the presidency in 1864 blinded him to his own duplicity as he sought to undermine Lincoln and gain support for his own candidacy.

Chase was not above political blackmail: three times, he submitted his resignation to Lincoln and three times Lincoln, who valued Chase’s substantial ability to get things done in a key office and who would rather have Chase inside his tent than outside, persuaded him to remain. Chase proffered his resignation for the fourth time in 1864. This time, he had overplayed his hand: Lincoln, who by then had secured renomination by the Republican party, no longer needed Chase and didn’t need to fear him, so he accepted his resignation without further discussing it with Chase. When Chase heard, he was shocked, even though he’d asked for it. Lincoln tempered the blow by dismissing Chase’s rival in the Cabinet at the same time, maintaining a balance of interests in the group, and when an opening on the Supreme Court became available, he appointed Chase, an act of magnanimity unimaginable in any of Lincoln’s successors.

Recently, I read a very interesting “moral biography” of Lincoln’s early years (up to 1861), Lincoln’s Virtues: An Ethical Biography, by William Lee Miller. Goodwin’s fine biography made a good counterpoint to Miller’s more limited and focused study. Both made the same point, that Lincoln succeeded as president, and excelled in the role, because he complemented his exceptional political talents and strong intellectual ability with a consistent ethical focus. There has never been another American president with such a strong moral compass as Lincoln and none who heeded it so consistently.

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